Preface A spectre is haunting Europe -- the spectre of communism. All the powers of old Europe have entered into a holy alliance to exorcise this spectre: Pope and Tsar, Metternich and Guizot, French Radicals and German police-spies. Where is the party in opposition that has not been decried as communistic by its opponents in power? Where is the opposition that has not hurled back the branding reproach of communism, against the more advanced opposition parties, as well as against its

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reactionary adversaries? Two things result from this fact: I. Communism is already acknowledged by all European powers to be itself a power. II. It is high time that Communists should openly, in the face of the whole world, publish their views, their aims, their tendencies, and meet this nursery tale of the spectre of communism with a manifesto of the party itself. To this end, Communists of various nationalities have assembled in London and sketched the following manifesto, to be

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published in the English, French, German, Italian, Flemish and Danish languages. Bourgeois and Proletarians The history of all hitherto existing society [2] is the history of class struggles. Freeman and slave, patrician and plebeian, lord and serf, guild-master [3] and journeyman, in a word, oppressor and oppressed, stood in constant opposition to one another, carried on an uninterrupted, now hidden, now open fight, a fight that each time ended, either in a revolutionary

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reconstitution of society at large, or in the common ruin of the contending classes. In the earlier epochs of history, we find almost everywhere a complicated arrangement of society into various orders, a manifold gradation of social rank. In ancient Rome we have patricians, knights, plebeians, slaves; in the Middle Ages, feudal lords, vassals, guild-masters, journeymen, apprentices, serfs; in almost all of these classes, again, subordinate gradations. The modern bourgeois society that

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has sprouted from the ruins of feudal society has not done away with class antagonisms. It has but established new classes, new conditions of oppression, new forms of struggle in place of the old ones. Our epoch, the epoch of the bourgeoisie, possesses, however, this distinct feature: it has simplified class antagonisms. Society as a whole is more and more splitting up into two great hostile camps, into two great classes directly facing each other -- bourgeoisie and proletariat. From the

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serfs of the Middle Ages sprang the chartered burghers of the earliest towns. From these burgesses the first elements of the bourgeoisie were developed. The discovery of America, the rounding of the Cape, opened up fresh ground for the rising bourgeoisie. The East-Indian and Chinese markets, the colonisation of America, trade with the colonies, the increase in the means of exchange and in commodities generally, gave to commerce, to navigation, to industry, an impulse never before known, and

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thereby, to the revolutionary element in the tottering feudal society, a rapid development. The feudal system of industry, in which industrial production was monopolized by closed guilds, now no longer suffices for the growing wants of the new markets. The manufacturing system took its place. The guild-masters were pushed aside by the manufacturing middle class; division of labor between the different corporate guilds vanished in the face of division of labor in each single

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workshop. Meantime, the markets kept ever growing, the demand ever rising. Even manufacturers no longer sufficed. Thereupon, steam and machinery revolutionized industrial production. The place of manufacture was taken by the giant, Modern Industry; the place of the industrial middle class by industrial millionaires, the leaders of the whole industrial armies, the modern bourgeois. Modern industry has established the world market, for which the discovery of America paved the way. This

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market has given an immense development to commerce, to navigation, to communication by land. This development has, in turn, reacted on the extension of industry; and in proportion as industry, commerce, navigation, railways extended, in the same proportion the bourgeoisie developed, increased its capital, and pushed into the background every class handed down from the Middle Ages. We see, therefore, how the modern bourgeoisie is itself the product of a long course of development, of a

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series of revolutions in the modes of production and of exchange. Each step in the development of the bourgeoisie was accompanied by a corresponding political advance in that class. An oppressed class under the sway of the feudal nobility, an armed and self-governing association of medieval commune: [4] here independent urban republic (as in Italy and Germany); there taxable "third estate" of the monarchy (as in France); afterward, in the period of manufacturing proper, serving either the

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semi-feudal or the absolute monarchy as a counterpoise against the nobility, and, in fact, cornerstone of the great monarchies in general -- the bourgeoisie has at last, since the establishment of Modern Industry and of the world market, conquered for itself, in the modern representative state, exclusive political sway. The executive of the modern state is but a committee for managing the common affairs of the whole bourgeoisie. The bourgeoisie, historically, has played a most revolutionary

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part. The bourgeoisie, wherever it has got the upper hand, has put an end to all feudal, patriarchal, idyllic relations. It has pitilessly torn asunder the motley feudal ties that bound man to his "natural superiors", and has left no other nexus between man and man than naked self-interest, than callous "cash payment". It has drowned out the most heavenly ecstasies of religious fervour, of chivalrous enthusiasm, of philistine sentimentalism, in the icy water of egotistical calculation. It

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has resolved personal worth into exchange value, and in place of the numberless indefeasible chartered freedoms, has set up that single, unconscionable freedom -- Free Trade. In one word, for exploitation, veiled by religious and political illusions, it has substituted naked, shameless, direct, brutal exploitation. The bourgeoisie has stripped of its halo every occupation hitherto honored and looked up to with reverent awe. It has converted the physician, the lawyer, the priest, the poet,

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the man of science, into its paid wage laborers. The bourgeoisie has torn away from the family its sentimental veil, and has reduced the family relation into a mere money relation. The bourgeoisie has disclosed how it came to pass that the brutal display of vigour in the Middle Ages, which reactionaries so much admire, found its fitting complement in the most slothful indolence. It has been the first to show what man's activity can bring about. It has accomplished wonders far surpassing

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Egyptian pyramids, Roman aqueducts, and Gothic cathedrals; it has conducted expeditions that put in the shade all former exoduses of nations and crusades. The bourgeoisie cannot exist without constantly revolutionizing the instruments of production, and thereby the relations of production, and with them the whole relations of society. Conservation of the old modes of production in unaltered form, was, on the contrary, the first condition of existence for all earlier industrial classes.

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Constant revolutionising of production, uninterrupted disturbance of all social conditions, everlasting uncertainty and agitation distinguish the bourgeois epoch from all earlier ones. All fixed, fast frozen relations, with their train of ancient and venerable prejudices and opinions, are swept away, all new-formed ones become antiquated before they can ossify. All that is solid melts into air, all that is holy is profaned, and man is at last compelled to face with sober senses his real

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condition of life and his relations with his kind. The need of a constantly expanding market for its products chases the bourgeoisie over the entire surface of the globe. It must nestle everywhere, settle everywhere, establish connections everywhere. The bourgeoisie has, through its exploitation of the world market, given a cosmopolitan character to production and consumption in every country. To the great chagrin of reactionaries, it has drawn from under the feet of industry the national

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ground on which it stood. All old-established national industries have been destroyed or are daily being destroyed. They are dislodged by new industries, whose introduction becomes a life and death question for all civilized nations, by industries that no longer work up indigenous raw material, but raw material drawn from the remotest zones; industries whose products are consumed, not only at home, but in every quarter of the globe. In place of the old wants, satisfied by the production

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of the country, we find new wants, requiring for their satisfaction the products of distant lands and climes. In place of the old local and national seclusion and self-sufficiency, we have intercourse in every direction, universal inter-dependence of nations. And as in material, so also in intellectual production. The intellectual creations of individual nations become common property. National one-sidedness and narrow-mindedness become more and more impossible, and from the numerous

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national and local literatures, there arises a world literature. The bourgeoisie, by the rapid improvement of all instruments of production, by the immensely facilitated means of communication, draws all, even the most barbarian, nations into civilization. The cheap prices of commodities are the heavy artillery with which it forces the barbarians' intensely obstinate hatred of foreigners to capitulate. It compels all nations, on pain of extinction, to adopt the bourgeois mode of production;

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it compels them to introduce what it calls civilization into their midst, i.e., to become bourgeois themselves. In one word, it creates a world after its own image. The bourgeoisie has subjected the country to the rule of the towns. It has created enormous cities, has greatly increased the urban population as compared with the rural, and has thus rescued a considerable part of the population from the idiocy of rural life. Just as it has made the country dependent on the towns, so it has made

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barbarian and semi-barbarian countries dependent on the civilized ones, nations of peasants on nations of bourgeois, the East on the West. The bourgeoisie keeps more and more doing away with the scattered state of the population, of the means of production, and of property. It has agglomerated population, centralized the means of production, and has concentrated property in a few hands. The necessary consequence of this was political centralization. Independent, or but loosely connected

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provinces, with separate interests, laws, governments, and systems of taxation, became lumped together into one nation, with one government, one code of laws, one national class interest, one frontier, and one customs tariff. The bourgeoisie, during its rule of scarce one hundred years, has created more massive and more colossal productive forces than have all preceding generations together. Subjection of nature's forces to man, machinery, application of chemistry to industry and

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agriculture, steam navigation, railways, electric telegraphs, clearing of whole continents for cultivation, canalization or rivers, whole populations conjured out of the ground -- what earlier century had even a presentiment that such productive forces slumbered in the lap of social labor? We see then: the means of production and of exchange, on whose foundation the bourgeoisie built itself up, were generated in feudal society. At a certain stage in the development of these means of

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production and of exchange, the conditions under which feudal society produced and exchanged, the feudal organization of agriculture and manufacturing industry, in one word, the feudal relations of property became no longer compatible with the already developed productive forces; they became so many fetters. They had to be burst asunder; they were burst asunder. Into their place stepped free competition, accompanied by a social and political constitution adapted in it, and the economic and

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political sway of the bourgeois class. A similar movement is going on before our own eyes. Modern bourgeois society, with its relations of production, of exchange and of property, a society that has conjured up such gigantic means of production and of exchange, is like the sorcerer who is no longer able to control the powers of the nether world whom he has called up by his spells. For many a decade past, the history of industry and commerce is but the history of the revolt of modern

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productive forces against modern conditions of production, against the property relations that are the conditions for the existence of the bourgeois and of its rule. It is enough to mention the commercial crises that, by their periodical return, put the existence of the entire bourgeois society on its trial, each time more threateningly. In these crises, a great part not only of the existing products, but also of the previously created productive forces, are periodically destroyed. In these

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crises, there breaks out an epidemic that, in all earlier epochs, would have seemed an absurdity -- the epidemic of over-production. Society suddenly finds itself put back into a state of momentary barbarism; it appears as if a famine, a universal war of devastation, had cut off the supply of every means of subsistence; industry and commerce seem to be destroyed. And why? Because there is too much civilization, too much means of subsistence, too much industry, too much commerce. The

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productive forces at the disposal of society no longer tend to further the development of the conditions of bourgeois property; on the contrary, they have become too powerful for these conditions, by which they are fettered, and so soon as they overcome these fetters, they bring disorder into the whole of bourgeois society, endanger the existence of bourgeois property. The conditions of bourgeois society are too narrow to comprise the wealth created by them. And how does the bourgeoisie get

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over these crises? On the one hand, by enforced destruction of a mass of productive forces; on the other, by the conquest of new markets, and by the more thorough exploitation of the old ones. That is to say, by paving the way for more extensive and more destructive crises, and by diminishing the means whereby crises are prevented. The weapons with which the bourgeoisie felled feudalism to the ground are now turned against the bourgeoisie itself. But not only has the bourgeoisie forged

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the weapons that bring death to itself; it has also called into existence the men who are to wield those weapons -- the modern working class -- the proletarians. In proportion as the bourgeoisie, i.e., capital, is developed, in the same proportion is the proletariat, the modern working class, developed -- a class of laborers, who live only so long as they find work, and who find work only so long as their labor increases capital. These laborers, who must sell themselves piecemeal, are a

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commodity, like every other article of commerce, and are consequently exposed to all the vicissitudes of competition, to all the fluctuations of the market. Owing to the extensive use of machinery, and to the division of labor, the work of the proletarians has lost all individual character, and, consequently, all charm for the workman. He becomes an appendage of the machine, and it is only the most simple, most monotonous, and most easily acquired knack, that is required of him. Hence, the

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cost of production of a workman is restricted, almost entirely, to the means of subsistence that he requires for maintenance, and for the propagation of his race. But the price of a commodity, and therefore also of labor, is equal to its cost of production. In proportion, therefore, as the repulsiveness of the work increases, the wage decreases. What is more, in proportion as the use of machinery and division of labor increases, in the same proportion the burden of toil also increases,

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whether by prolongation of the working hours, by the increase of the work exacted in a given time, or by increased speed of machinery, etc. Modern Industry has converted the little workshop of the patriarchal master into the great factory of the industrial capitalist. Masses of laborers, crowded into the factory, are organized like soldiers. As privates of the industrial army, they are placed under the command of a perfect hierarchy of officers and sergeants. Not only are they slaves of

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the bourgeois class, and of the bourgeois state; they are daily and hourly enslaved by the machine, by the overlooker, and, above all, in the individual bourgeois manufacturer himself. The more openly this despotism proclaims gain to be its end and aim, the more petty, the more hateful and the more embittering it is. The less the skill and exertion of strength implied in manual labor, in other words, the more modern industry becomes developed, the more is the labor of men superseded by that

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of women. Differences of age and sex have no longer any distinctive social validity for the working class. All are instruments of labor, more or less expensive to use, according to their age and sex. No sooner is the exploitation of the laborer by the manufacturer, so far at an end, that he receives his wages in cash, than he is set upon by the other portion of the bourgeoisie, the landlord, the shopkeeper, the pawnbroker, etc. The lower strata of the middle class -- the small

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tradespeople, shopkeepers, and retired tradesmen generally, the handicraftsmen and peasants -- all these sink gradually into the proletariat, partly because their diminutive capital does not suffice for the scale on which Modern Industry is carried on, and is swamped in the competition with the large capitalists, partly because their specialized skill is rendered worthless by new methods of production. Thus, the proletariat is recruited from all classes of the population. The proletariat

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goes through various stages of development. With its birth begins its struggle with the bourgeoisie. At first, the contest is carried on by individual laborers, then by the work of people of a factory, then by the operative of one trade, in one locality, against the individual bourgeois who directly exploits them. They direct their attacks not against the bourgeois condition of production, but against the instruments of production themselves; they destroy imported wares that compete with their

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labor, they smash to pieces machinery, they set factories ablaze, they seek to restore by force the vanished status of the workman of the Middle Ages. At this stage, the laborers still form an incoherent mass scattered over the whole country, and broken up by their mutual competition. If anywhere they unite to form more compact bodies, this is not yet the consequence of their own active union, but of the union of the bourgeoisie, which class, in order to attain its own political ends, is

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compelled to set the whole proletariat in motion, and is moreover yet, for a time, able to do so. At this stage, therefore, the proletarians do not fight their enemies, but the enemies of their enemies, the remnants of absolute monarchy, the landowners, the non-industrial bourgeois, the petty bourgeois. Thus, the whole historical movement is concentrated in the hands of the bourgeoisie; every victory so obtained is a victory for the bourgeoisie. But with the development of industry, the

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proletariat not only increases in number; it becomes concentrated in greater masses, its strength grows, and it feels that strength more. The various interests and conditions of life within the ranks of the proletariat are more and more equalized, in proportion as machinery obliterates all distinctions of labor, and nearly everywhere reduces wages to the same low level. The growing competition among the bourgeois, and the resulting commercial crises, make the wages of the workers ever more

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fluctuating. The increasing improvement of machinery, ever more rapidly developing, makes their livelihood more and more precarious; the collisions between individual workmen and individual bourgeois take more and more the character of collisions between two classes. Thereupon, the workers begin to form combinations (trade unions) against the bourgeois; they club together in order to keep up the rate of wages; they found permanent associations in order to make provision beforehand for these

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occasional revolts. Here and there, the contest breaks out into riots. Now and then the workers are victorious, but only for a time. The real fruit of their battles lie not in the immediate result, but in the ever expanding union of the workers. This union is helped on by the improved means of communication that are created by Modern Industry, and that place the workers of different localities in contact with one another. It was just this contact that was needed to centralize the numerous

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local struggles, all of the same character, into one national struggle between classes. But every class struggle is a political struggle. And that union, to attain which the burghers of the Middle Ages, with their miserable highways, required centuries, the modern proletarian, thanks to railways, achieve in a few years. This organization of the proletarians into a class, and, consequently, into a political party, is continually being upset again by the competition between the workers

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themselves. But it ever rises up again, stronger, firmer, mightier. It compels legislative recognition of particular interests of the workers, by taking advantage of the divisions among the bourgeoisie itself. Thus, the Ten-Hours Bill in England was carried. Altogether, collisions between the classes of the old society further in many ways the course of development of the proletariat. The bourgeoisie finds itself involved in a constant battle. At first with the aristocracy; later on, with

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those portions of the bourgeoisie itself, whose interests have become antagonistic to the progress of industry; at all time with the bourgeoisie of foreign countries. In all these battles, it sees itself compelled to appeal to the proletariat, to ask for help, and thus to drag it into the political arena. The bourgeoisie itself, therefore, supplies the proletariat with its own elements of political and general education, in other words, it furnishes the proletariat with weapons for fighting the

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bourgeoisie. Further, as we have already seen, entire sections of the ruling class are, by the advance of industry, precipitated into the proletariat, or are at least threatened in their conditions of existence. These also supply the proletariat with fresh elements of enlightenment and progress. Finally, in times when the class struggle nears the decisive hour, the progress of dissolution going on within the ruling class, in fact within the whole range of old society, assumes such a

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violent, glaring character, that a small section of the ruling class cuts itself adrift, and joins the revolutionary class, the class that holds the future in its hands. Just as, therefore, at an earlier period, a section of the nobility went over to the bourgeoisie, so now a portion of the bourgeoisie goes over to the proletariat, and in particular, a portion of the bourgeois ideologists, who have raised themselves to the level of comprehending theoretically the historical movement as a

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whole. Of all the classes that stand face to face with the bourgeoisie today, the proletariat alone is a genuinely revolutionary class. The other classes decay and finally disappear in the face of Modern Industry; the proletariat is its special and essential product. The lower middle class, the small manufacturer, the shopkeeper, the artisan, the peasant, all these fight against the bourgeoisie, to save from extinction their existence as fractions of the middle class. They are therefore

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not revolutionary, but conservative. Nay, more, they are reactionary, for they try to roll back the wheel of history. If, by chance, they are revolutionary, they are only so in view of their impending transfer into the proletariat; they thus defend not their present, but their future interests; they desert their own standpoint to place themselves at that of the proletariat. The "dangerous class", the social scum, that passively rotting mass thrown off by the lowest layers of the old society,

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may, here and there, be swept into the movement by a proletarian revolution; its conditions of life, however, prepare it far more for the part of a bribed tool of reactionary intrigue. In the condition of the proletariat, those of old society at large are already virtually swamped. The proletarian is without property; his relation to his wife and children has no longer anything in common with the bourgeois family relations; modern industry labor, modern subjection to capital, the same in

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England as in France, in America as in Germany, has stripped him of every trace of national character. Law, morality, religion, are to him so many bourgeois prejudices, behind which lurk in ambush just as many bourgeois interests. All the preceding classes that got the upper hand sought to fortify their already acquired status by subjecting society at large to their conditions of appropriation. The proletarians cannot become masters of the productive forces of society, except by abolishing

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their own previous mode of appropriation, and thereby also every other previous mode of appropriation. They have nothing of their own to secure and to fortify; their mission is to destroy all previous securities for, and insurances of, individual property. All previous historical movements were movements of minorities, or in the interest of minorities. The proletarian movement is the self-conscious, independent movement of the immense majority, in the interest of the immense majority. The

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proletariat, the lowest stratum of our present society, cannot stir, cannot raise itself up, without the whole super incumbent strata of official society being sprung into the air. Though not in substance, yet in form, the struggle of the proletariat with the bourgeoisie is at first a national struggle. The proletariat of each country must, of course, first of all settle matters with its own bourgeoisie. In depicting the most general phases of the development of the proletariat, we traced

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the more or less veiled civil war, raging within existing society, up to the point where that war breaks out into open revolution, and where the violent overthrow of the bourgeoisie lays the foundation for the sway of the proletariat. Hitherto, every form of society has been based, as we have already seen, on the antagonism of oppressing and oppressed classes. But in order to oppress a class, certain conditions must be assured to it under which it can, at least, continue its slavish

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existence. The serf, in the period of serfdom, raised himself to membership in the commune, just as the petty bourgeois, under the yoke of the feudal absolutism, managed to develop into a bourgeois. The modern laborer, on the contrary, instead of rising with the process of industry, sinks deeper and deeper below the conditions of existence of his own class. He becomes a pauper, and pauperism develops more rapidly than population and wealth. And here it becomes evident that the bourgeoisie

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is unfit any longer to be the ruling class in society, and to impose its conditions of existence upon society as an overriding law. It is unfit to rule because it is incompetent to assure an existence to its slave within his slavery, because it cannot help letting him sink into such a state, that it has to feed him, instead of being fed by him. Society can no longer live under this bourgeoisie, in other words, its existence is no longer compatible with society. The essential conditions

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for the existence and for the sway of the bourgeois class is the formation and augmentation of capital; the condition for capital is wage labor. Wage labor rests exclusively on competition between the laborers. The advance of industry, whose involuntary promoter is the bourgeoisie, replaces the isolation of the laborers, due to competition, by the revolutionary combination, due to association. The development of Modern Industry, therefore, cuts from under its feet the very foundation on

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which the bourgeoisie produces and appropriates products. What the bourgeoisie therefore produces, above all, are its own grave-diggers. Its fall and the victory of the proletariat are equally inevitable.

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Proletarians and communists In what relation do the Communists stand to the proletarians as a whole? The Communists do not form a separate party opposed to the other working-class parties. They have no interests separate and apart from those of the proletariat as a whole. They do not set up any sectarian principles of their own, by which to shape and mould the proletarian movement. The Communists are distinguished from the other working-class parties by this only: (1) In the

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national struggles of the proletarians of the different countries, they point out and bring to the front the common interests of the entire proletariat, independently of all nationality. (2) In the various stages of development which the struggle of the working class against the bourgeoisie has to pass through, they always and everywhere represent the interests of the movement as a whole. The Communists, therefore, are on the one hand practically, the most advanced and resolute section of

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the working-class parties of every country, that section which pushes forward all others; on the other hand, theoretically, they have over the great mass of the proletariat the advantage of clearly understanding the lines of march, the conditions, and the ultimate general results of the proletarian movement. The immediate aim of the Communists is the same as that of all other proletarian parties: Formation of the proletariat into a class, overthrow of the bourgeois supremacy, conquest of

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political power by the proletariat. The theoretical conclusions of the Communists are in no way based on ideas or principles that have been invented, or discovered, by this or that would-be universal reformer. They merely express, in general terms, actual relations springing from an existing class struggle, from a historical movement going on under our very eyes. The abolition of existing property relations is not at all a distinctive feature of communism. All property relations in the

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past have continually been subject to historical change consequent upon the change in historical conditions. The French Revolution, for example, abolished feudal property in favour of bourgeois property. The distinguishing feature of communism is not the abolition of property generally, but the abolition of bourgeois property. But modern bourgeois private property is the final and most complete expression of the system of producing and appropriating products that is based on class

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antagonisms, on the exploitation of the many by the few. In this sense, the theory of the Communists may be summed up in the single sentence: Abolition of private property. We Communists have been reproached with the desire of abolishing the right of personally acquiring property as the fruit of a man's own labour, which property is alleged to be the groundwork of all personal freedom, activity and independence. Hard-won, self-acquired, self-earned property! Do you mean the property of

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petty artisan and of the small peasant, a form of property that preceded the bourgeois form? There is no need to abolish that; the development of industry has to a great extent already destroyed it, and is still destroying it daily. Or do you mean the modern bourgeois private property? But does wage labour create any property for the labourer? Not a bit. It creates capital, i.e., that kind of property which exploits wage labour, and which cannot increase except upon conditions of

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begetting a new supply of wage labour for fresh exploitation. Property, in its present form, is based on the antagonism of capital and wage labour. Let us examine both sides of this antagonism. To be a capitalist, is to have not only a purely personal, but a social status in production. Capital is a collective product, and only by the united action of many members, nay, in the last resort, only by the united action of all members of society, can it be set in motion. Capital is therefore

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not only personal; it is a social power. When, therefore, capital is converted into common property, into the property of all members of society, personal property is not thereby transformed into social property. It is only the social character of the property that is changed. It loses its class character. Let us now take wage labour. The average price of wage labour is the minimum wage, i.e., that quantum of the means of subsistence which is absolutely requisite to keep the labourer

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in bare existence as a labourer. What, therefore, the wage labourer appropriates by means of his labour merely suffices to prolong and reproduce a bare existence. We by no means intend to abolish this personal appropriation of the products of labour, an appropriation that is made for the maintenance and reproduction of human life, and that leaves no surplus wherewith to command the labour of others. All that we want to do away with is the miserable character of this appropriation, under which

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the labourer lives merely to increase capital, and is allowed to live only in so far as the interest of the ruling class requires it. In bourgeois society, living labour is but a means to increase accumulated labour. In communist society, accumulated labour is but a means to widen, to enrich, to promote the existence of the labourer. In bourgeois society, therefore, the past dominates the present; in communist society, the present dominates the past. In bourgeois society, capital is

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independent and has individuality, while the living person is dependent and has no individuality. And the abolition of this state of things is called by the bourgeois, abolition of individuality and freedom! And rightly so. The abolition of bourgeois individuality, bourgeois independence, and bourgeois freedom is undoubtedly aimed at. By freedom is meant, under the present bourgeois conditions of production, free trade, free selling and buying. But if selling and buying disappears,

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free selling and buying disappears also. This talk about free selling and buying, and all the other "brave words" of our bourgeois about freedom in general, have a meaning, if any, only in contrast with restricted selling and buying, with the fettered traders of the Middle Ages, but have no meaning when opposed to the communist abolition of buying and selling, or the bourgeois conditions of production, and of the bourgeoisie itself. You are horrified at our intending to do away with private

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property. But in your existing society, private property is already done away with for nine-tenths of the population; its existence for the few is solely due to its non-existence in the hands of those nine-tenths. You reproach us, therefore, with intending to do away with a form of property, the necessary condition for whose existence is the non-existence of any property for the immense majority of society. In one word, you reproach us with intending to do away with your property.

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Precisely so; that is just what we intend. From the moment when labour can no longer be converted into capital, money, or rent, into a social power capable of being monopolized, i.e., from the moment when individual property can no longer be transformed into bourgeois property, into capital, from that moment, you say, individuality vanishes. You must, therefore, confess that by "individual" you mean no other person than the bourgeois, than the middle-class owner of property. This person

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must, indeed, be swept out of the way, and made impossible. Communism deprives no man of the power to appropriate the products of society; all that it does is to deprive him of the power to subjugate the labour of others by means of such appropriations. It has been objected that upon the abolition of private property, all work will cease, and universal laziness will overtake us. According to this, bourgeois society ought long ago to have gone to the dogs through sheer idleness; for

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those who acquire anything, do not work. The whole of this objection is but another expression of the tautology: There can no longer be any wage labour when there is no longer any capital. All objections urged against the communistic mode of producing and appropriating material products, have, in the same way, been urged against the communistic mode of producing and appropriating intellectual products. Just as to the bourgeois, the disappearance of class property is the disappearance of

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production itself, so the disappearance of class culture is to him identical with the disappearance of all culture. That culture, the loss of which he laments, is, for the enormous majority, a mere training to act as a machine. But don't wrangle with us so long as you apply, to our intended abolition of bourgeois property, the standard of your bourgeois notions of freedom, culture, law, etc. Your very ideas are but the outgrowth of the conditions of your bourgeois production and bourgeois

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property, just as your jurisprudence is but the will of your class made into a law for all, a will whose essential character and direction are determined by the economical conditions of existence of your class. The selfish misconception that induces you to transform into eternal laws of nature and of reason the social forms stringing from your present mode of production and form of property -- historical relations that rise and disappear in the progress of production -- this misconception

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you share with every ruling class that has preceded you. What you see clearly in the case of ancient property, what you admit in the case of feudal property, you are of course forbidden to admit in the case of your own bourgeois form of property. Abolition of the family! Even the most radical flare up at this infamous proposal of the Communists. On what foundation is the present family, the bourgeois family, based? On capital, on private gain. In its completely developed form, this family

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exists only among the bourgeoisie. But this state of things finds its complement in the practical absence of the family among proletarians, and in public prostitution. The bourgeois family will vanish as a matter of course when its complement vanishes, and both will vanish with the vanishing of capital. Do you charge us with wanting to stop the exploitation of children by their parents? To this crime we plead guilty. But, you say, we destroy the most hallowed of relations, when we

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replace home education by social. And your education! Is not that also social, and determined by the social conditions under which you educate, by the intervention direct or indirect, of society, by means of schools, etc.? The Communists have not intended the intervention of society in education; they do but seek to alter the character of that intervention, and to rescue education from the influence of the ruling class. The bourgeois claptrap about the family and education, about the

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hallowed correlation of parents and child, becomes all the more disgusting, the more, by the action of Modern Industry, all the family ties among the proletarians are torn asunder, and their children transformed into simple articles of commerce and instruments of labour. But you Communists would introduce community of women, screams the bourgeoisie in chorus. The bourgeois sees his wife a mere instrument of production. He hears that the instruments of production are to be exploited in

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common, and, naturally, can come to no other conclusion that the lot of being common to all will likewise fall to the women. He has not even a suspicion that the real point aimed at is to do away with the status of women as mere instruments of production. For the rest, nothing is more ridiculous than the virtuous indignation of our bourgeois at the community of women which, they pretend, is to be openly and officially established by the Communists. The Communists have no need to introduce

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free love; it has existed almost from time immemorial. Our bourgeois, not content with having wives and daughters of their proletarians at their disposal, not to speak of common prostitutes, take the greatest pleasure in seducing each other's wives. Bourgeois marriage is, in reality, a system of wives in common and thus, at the most, what the Communists might possibly be reproached with is that they desire to introduce, in substitution for a hypocritically concealed, an openly legalized

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system of free love. For the rest, it is self-evident that the abolition of the present system of production must bring with it the abolition of free love springing from that system, i.e., of prostitution both public and private. The Communists are further reproached with desiring to abolish countries and nationality. The working men have no country. We cannot take from them what they have not got. Since the proletariat must first of all acquire political supremacy, must rise to be the

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leading class of the nation, must constitute itself the nation, it is, so far, itself national, though not in the bourgeois sense of the word. National differences and antagonism between peoples are daily more and more vanishing, owing to the development of the bourgeoisie, to freedom of commerce, to the world market, to uniformity in the mode of production and in the conditions of life corresponding thereto. The supremacy of the proletariat will cause them to vanish still faster. United

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action of the leading civilized countries at least is one of the first conditions for the emancipation of the proletariat. In proportion as the exploitation of one individual by another will also be put an end to, the exploitation of one nation by another will also be put an end to. In proportion as the antagonism between classes within the nation vanishes, the hostility of one nation to another will come to an end. The charges against communism made from a religious, a philosophical and,

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generally, from an ideological standpoint, are not deserving of serious examination. Does it require deep intuition to comprehend that man's ideas, views, and conception, in one word, man's consciousness, changes with every change in the conditions of his material existence, in his social relations and in his social life? What else does the history of ideas prove, than that intellectual production changes its character in proportion as material production is changed? The ruling ideas of

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each age have ever been the ideas of its ruling class. When people speak of the ideas that revolutionize society, they do but express that fact that within the old society the elements of a new one have been created, and that the dissolution of the old ideas keeps even pace with the dissolution of the old conditions of existence. When the ancient world was in its last throes, the ancient religions were overcome by Christianity. When Christian ideas succumbed in the eighteenth century to

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rationalist ideas, feudal society fought its death battle with the then revolutionary bourgeoisie. The ideas of religious liberty and freedom of conscience merely gave expression to the sway of free competition within the domain of knowledge. "Undoubtedly," it will be said, "religious, moral, philosophical, and juridical ideas have been modified in the course of historical development. But religion, morality, philosophy, political science, and law, constantly survived this change." "There

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are, besides, eternal truths, such as Freedom, Justice, etc., that are common to all states of society. But communism abolishes eternal truths, it abolishes all religion, and all morality, instead of constituting them on a new basis; it therefore acts in contradiction to all past historical experience." What does this accusation reduce itself to? The history of all past society has consisted in the development of class antagonisms, antagonisms that assumed different forms at different

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epochs. But whatever form they may have taken, one fact is common to all past ages, viz., the exploitation of one part of society by the other. No wonder, then, that the social consciousness of past ages, despite all the multiplicity and variety it displays, moves within certain common forms, or general ideas, which cannot completely vanish except with the total disappearance of class antagonisms. The communist revolution is the most radical rupture with traditional relations; no wonder

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that its development involved the most radical rupture with traditional ideas. But let us have done with the bourgeois objections to communism. We have seen above that the first step in the revolution by the working class is to raise the proletariat to the position of ruling class to win the battle of democracy. The proletariat will use its political supremacy to wrest, by degree, all capital from the bourgeoisie, to centralize all instruments of production in the hands of the state,

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i.e., of the proletariat organized as the ruling class; and to increase the total productive forces as rapidly as possible. Of course, in the beginning, this cannot be effected except by means of despotic inroads on the rights of property, and on the conditions of bourgeois production; by means of measures, therefore, which appear economically insufficient and untenable, but which, in the course of the movement, outstrip themselves, necessitate further inroads upon the old social order, and

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are unavoidable as a means of entirely revolutionizing the mode of production. These measures will, of course, be different in different countries. Nevertheless, in most advanced countries, the following will be pretty generally applicable. 1. Abolition of property in land and application of all rents of land to public purposes. 2. A heavy progressive or graduated income tax. 3. Abolition of all rights of inheritance. 4. Confiscation of the property of all emigrants and

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rebels. 5. Centralization of credit in the banks of the state, by means of a national bank with state capital and an exclusive monopoly. 6. Centralization of the means of communication and transport in the hands of the state. 7. Extension of factories and instruments of production owned by the state; the bringing into cultivation of waste lands, and the improvement of the soil generally in accordance with a common plan. 8. Equal obligation of all to work. Establishment of industrial

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armies, especially for agriculture. 9. Combination of agriculture with manufacturing industries; gradual abolition of all the distinction between town and country by a more equable distribution of the populace over the country. 10. Free education for all children in public schools. Abolition of children's factory labour in its present form. Combination of education with industrial production, etc. When, in the course of development, class distinctions have disappeared, and all

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production has been concentrated in the hands of a vast association of the whole nation, the public power will lose its political character. Political power, properly so called, is merely the organized power of one class for oppressing another. If the proletariat during its contest with the bourgeoisie is compelled, by the force of circumstances, to organize itself as a class; if, by means of a revolution, it makes itself the ruling class, and, as such, sweeps away by force the old conditions

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of production, then it will, along with these conditions, have swept away the conditions for the existence of class antagonisms and of classes generally, and will thereby have abolished its own supremacy as a class. In place of the old bourgeois society, with its classes and class antagonisms, we shall have an association in which the free development of each is the condition for the free development of all.

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Socialist and Communist Literature 1. Reactionary Socialism A. Feudal Socialism Owing to their historical position, it became the vocation of the aristocracies of France and England to write pamphlets against modern bourgeois society. In the French Revolution of July 1830, and in the English reform agitation[A], these aristocracies again succumbed to the hateful upstart. Thenceforth, a serious political struggle was altogether out of the question. A literary battle alone remained possible.

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But even in the domain of literature, the old cries of the restoration period had become impossible.(1) In order to arouse sympathy, the aristocracy was obliged to lose sight, apparently, of its own interests, and to formulate its indictment against the bourgeoisie in the interest of the exploited working class alone. Thus, the aristocracy took their revenge by singing lampoons on their new masters and whispering in his ears sinister prophesies of coming catastrophe. In this way arose

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feudal socialism: half lamentation, half lampoon; half an echo of the past, half menace of the future; at times, by its bitter, witty and incisive criticism, striking the bourgeoisie to the very heart's core, but always ludicrous in its effect, through total incapacity to comprehend the march of modern history. The aristocracy, in order to rally the people to them, waved the proletarian alms-bag in front for a banner. But the people, so often as it joined them, saw on their hindquarters the

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old feudal coats of arms, and deserted with loud and irreverent laughter. One section of the French Legitimists and "Young England" exhibited this spectacle: In pointing out that their mode of exploitation was different to that of the bourgeoisie, the feudalists forget that they exploited under circumstances and conditions that were quite different and that are now antiquated. In showing that, under their rule, the modern proletariat never existed, they forget that the modern bourgeoisie

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is the necessary offspring of their own form of society. For the rest, so little do they conceal the reactionary character of their criticism that their chief accusation against the bourgeois amounts to this: that under the bourgeois regime a class is being developed which is destined to cut up, root and branch, the old order of society. What they upbraid the bourgeoisie with is not so much that it creates a proletariat as that it creates a revolutionary proletariat. In political

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practice, therefore, they join in all corrective measures against the working class; and in ordinary life, despite their high-falutin phrases, they stoop to pick up the golden apples dropped from the tree of industry, and to barter truth, love, and honour, for traffic in wool, beetroot-sugar, and potato spirits.(2) As the parson has ever gone hand in hand with the landlord, so has clerical socialism with feudal socialism. Nothing is easier than to give Christian asceticism a socialist

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tinge. Has not Christianity declaimed against private property, against marriage, against the state? Has it not preached in the place of these, charity and poverty, celibacy and mortification of the flesh, monastic life and Mother Church? Christian socialism is but the holy water with which the priest consecrates the heart-burnings of the aristocrat. B. Petty-Bourgeois Socialism The feudal aristocracy was not the only class that was ruined by the bourgeoisie, not the only class whose

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conditions of existence pined and perished in the atmosphere of modern bourgeois society. The medieval burgesses and the small peasant proprietors were the precursors of the modern bourgeoisie. In those countries which are but little developed, industrially and commercially, these two classes still vegetate side by side with the rising bourgeoisie. In countries where modern civilization has become fully developed, a new class of petty bourgeois has been formed, fluctuating between

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proletariat and bourgeoisie, and ever renewing itself a supplementary part of bourgeois society. The individual members of this class, however, as being constantly hurled down into the proletariat by the action of competition, and, as Modern Industry develops, they even see the moment approaching when they will completely disappear as an independent section of modern society, to be replaced in manufactures, agriculture and commerce, by overlookers, bailiffs and shopmen. In countries like

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France, where the peasants constitute far more than half of the population, it was natural that writers who sided with the proletariat against the bourgeoisie should use, in their criticism of the bourgeois régime, the standard of the peasant and petty bourgeois, and from the standpoint of these intermediate classes, should take up the cudgels for the working class. Thus arose petty-bourgeois socialism. Sismondi was the head of this school, not only in France but also in England. This school

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of socialism dissected with great acuteness the contradictions in the conditions of modern production. It laid bare the hypocritical apologies of economists. It proved, incontrovertibly, the disastrous effects of machinery and division of labor; the concentration of capital and land in a few hands; overproduction and crises; it pointed out the inevitable ruin of the petty bourgeois and peasant, the misery of the proletariat, the anarchy in production, the crying inequalities in the distribution

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of wealth, the industrial war of extermination between nations, the dissolution of old moral bonds, of the old family relations, of the old nationalities. In it positive aims, however, this form of socialism aspires either to restoring the old means of production and of exchange, and with them the old property relations, and the old society, or to cramping the modern means of production and of exchange within the framework of the old property relations that have been, and were bound to be,

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exploded by those means. In either case, it is both reactionary and Utopian. Its last words are: corporate guilds for manufacture; patriarchal relations in agriculture. Ultimately, when stubborn historical facts had dispersed all intoxicating effects of self-deception, this form of socialism ended in a miserable hangover. C. German or "True" Socialism The socialist and communist literature of France, a literature that originated under the pressure of a bourgeoisie in power, and

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that was the expressions of the struggle against this power, was introduced into Germany at a time when the bourgeoisie in that country had just begun its contest with feudal absolutism. German philosophers, would-be philosophers, and beaux esprits (men of letters), eagerly seized on this literature, only forgetting that when these writings immigrated from France into Germany, French social conditions had not immigrated along with them. In contact with German social conditions, this French

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literature lost all its immediate practical significance and assumed a purely literary aspect. Thus, to the German philosophers of the eighteenth century, the demands of the first French Revolution were nothing more than the demands of "Practical Reason" in general, and the utterance of the will of the revolutionary French bourgeoisie signified, in their eyes, the laws of pure will, of will as it was bound to be, of true human will generally. The work of the German literati consisted solely

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in bringing the new French ideas into harmony with their ancient philosophical conscience, or rather, in annexing the French ideas without deserting their own philosophic point of view. This annexation took place in the same way in which a foreign language is appropriated, namely, by translation. It is well known how the monks wrote silly lives of Catholic saints over the manuscripts on which the classical works of ancient heathendom had been written. The German literati reversed this

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process with the profane French literature. They wrote their philosophical nonsense beneath the French original. For instance, beneath the French criticism of the economic functions of money, they wrote "alienation of humanity", and beneath the French criticism of the bourgeois state they wrote "dethronement of the category of the general", and so forth. The introduction of these philosophical phrases at the back of the French historical criticisms, they dubbed "Philosophy of Action", "True

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Socialism", "German Science of Socialism", "Philosophical Foundation of Socialism", and so on. The French socialist and communist literature was thus completely emasculated. And, since it ceased, in the hands of the German, to express the struggle of one class with the other, he felt conscious of having overcome "French one-sidedness" and of representing, not true requirements, but the requirements of truth; not the interests of the proletariat, but the interests of human nature, of man in

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general, who belongs to no class, has no reality, who exists only in the misty realm of philosophical fantasy. This German socialism, which took its schoolboy task so seriously and solemnly, and extolled its poor stock-in-trade in such a mountebank fashion, meanwhile gradually lost its pedantic innocence. The fight of the Germans, and especially of the Prussian bourgeoisie, against feudal aristocracy and absolute monarchy, in other words, the liberal movement, became more earnest. By

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this, the long-wished for opportunity was offered to "True" Socialism of confronting the political movement with the socialistic demands, of hurling the traditional anathemas against liberalism, against representative government, against bourgeois competition, bourgeois freedom of the press, bourgeois legislation, bourgeois liberty and equality, and of preaching to the masses that they had nothing to gain, and everything to lose, by this bourgeois movement. German socialism forgot, in the nick

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of time, that the French criticism, whose silly echo it was, presupposed the existence of modern bourgeois society, with its corresponding economic conditions of existence, and the political constitution adapted thereto, the very things those attainment was the object of the pending struggle in Germany. To the absolute governments, with their following of parsons, professors, country squires, and officials, it served as a welcome scarecrow against the threatening bourgeoisie. It was a

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sweet finish, after the bitter pills of flogging and bullets, with which these same governments, just at that time, dosed the German working-class risings. While this "True" Socialism thus served the government as a weapon for fighting the German bourgeoisie, it, at the same time, directly represented a reactionary interest, the interest of German philistines. In Germany, the petty-bourgeois class, a relic of the sixteenth century, and since then constantly cropping up again under the

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various forms, is the real social basis of the existing state of things. To preserve this class is to preserve the existing state of things in Germany. The industrial and political supremacy of the bourgeoisie threatens it with certain destruction — on the one hand, from the concentration of capital; on the other, from the rise of a revolutionary proletariat. "True" Socialism appeared to kill these two birds with one stone. It spread like an epidemic. The robe of speculative cobwebs,

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embroidered with flowers of rhetoric, steeped in the dew of sickly sentiment, this transcendental robe in which the German Socialists wrapped their sorry "eternal truths", all skin and bone, served to wonderfully increase the sale of their goods amongst such a public. And on its part German socialism recognized, more and more, its own calling as the bombastic representative of the petty-bourgeois philistine. It proclaimed the German nation to be the model nation, and the German petty

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philistine to be the typical man. To every villainous meanness of this model man, it gave a hidden, higher, socialistic interpretation, the exact contrary of its real character. It went to the extreme length of directly opposing the "brutally destructive" tendency of communism, and of proclaiming its supreme and impartial contempt of all class struggles. With very few exceptions, all the so-called socialist and communist publications that now (1847) circulate in Germany belong to the domain of

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this foul and enervating literature.(3) 2. Conservative or Bourgeois Socialism A part of the bourgeoisie is desirous of redressing social grievances in order to secure the continued existence of bourgeois society. To this section belong economists, philanthropists, humanitarians, improvers of the condition of the working class, organizers of charity, members of societies for the prevention of cruelty to animals, temperance fanatics, hole-and-corner reformers of every imaginable

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kind. This form of socialism has, moreover, been worked out into complete systems. We may cite Proudhon's Philosophy of Poverty as an example of this form. The socialistic bourgeois want all the advantages of modern social conditions without the struggles and dangers necessarily resulting therefrom. They desire the existing state of society, minus its revolutionary and disintegrating elements. They wish for a bourgeoisie without a proletariat. The bourgeoisie naturally conceives the world

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in which it is supreme to be the best; and bourgeois socialism develops this comfortable conception into various more or less complete systems. In requiring the proletariat to carry out such a system, and thereby to march straightaway into the social New Jerusalem, it but requires in reality that the proletariat should remain within the bounds of existing society, but should cast away all its hateful ideas concerning the bourgeoisie. A second, and more practical, but less systematic, form of

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this socialism sought to depreciate every revolutionary movement in the eyes of the working class by showing that no mere political reform, but only a change in the material conditions of existence, in economical relations, could be of any advantage to them. By changes in the material conditions of existence, this form of socialism, however, by no means understands abolition of the bourgeois relations of production, an abolition that can be affected only by a revolution, but administrative

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reforms, based on the continued existence of these relations; reforms, therefore, that in no respect affect the relations between capital and labor, but, at the best, lessen the cost, and simplify the administrative work of bourgeois government. Bourgeois socialism attains adequate expression when, and only when, it becomes a mere figure of speech. Free trade: for the benefit of the working class. Protective duties: for the benefit of the working class. Prison reform: for the benefit of

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the working class. This is the last word and the only seriously meant word of bourgeois socialism. It is summed up in the phrase: the bourgeois is a bourgeois — for the benefit of the working class. 3. Critical-Utopian Socialism and Communism We do not here refer to that literature which, in every great modern revolution, has always given voice to the demands of the proletariat, such as the writings of Babeuf and others. The first direct attempts of the proletariat to attain its

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own ends, made in times of universal excitement, when feudal society was being overthrown, necessarily failed, owing to the then undeveloped state of the proletariat, as well as to the absence of the economic conditions for its emancipation, conditions that had yet to be produced, and could be produced by the impending bourgeois epoch alone. The revolutionary literature that accompanied these first movements of the proletariat had necessarily a reactionary character. It inculcated universal

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asceticism and social levelling in its crudest form. The socialist and communist systems, properly so called, those of Saint-Simon, Fourier, Owen, and others, spring into existence in the early undeveloped period, described above, of the struggle between proletariat and bourgeoisie (see Section 1. Bourgeois and Proletarians). The founders of these systems see, indeed, the class antagonisms, as well as the action of the decomposing elements in the prevailing form of society. But the

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proletariat, as yet in its infancy, offers to them the spectacle of a class without any historical initiative or any independent political movement. Since the development of class antagonism keeps even pace with the development of industry, the economic situation, as they find it, does not as yet offer to them the material conditions for the emancipation of the proletariat. They therefore search after a new social science, after new social laws, that are to create these

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conditions. Historical action is to yield to their personal inventive action; historically created conditions of emancipation to fantastic ones; and the gradual, spontaneous class organization of the proletariat to an organization of society especially contrived by these inventors. Future history resolves itself, in their eyes, into the propaganda and the practical carrying out of their social plans. In the formation of their plans, they are conscious of caring chiefly for the interests

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of the working class, as being the most suffering class. Only from the point of view of being the most suffering class does the proletariat exist for them. The undeveloped state of the class struggle, as well as their own surroundings, causes Socialists of this kind to consider themselves far superior to all class antagonisms. They want to improve the condition of every member of society, even that of the most favored. Hence, they habitually appeal to society at large, without the

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distinction of class; nay, by preference, to the ruling class. For how can people when once they understand their system, fail to see in it the best possible plan of the best possible state of society? Hence, they reject all political, and especially all revolutionary action; they wish to attain their ends by peaceful means, necessarily doomed to failure, and by the force of example, to pave the way for the new social gospel. Such fantastic pictures of future society, painted at a time

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when the proletariat is still in a very undeveloped state and has but a fantastic conception of its own position, correspond with the first instinctive yearnings of that class for a general reconstruction of society. But these socialist and communist publications contain also a critical element. They attack every principle of existing society. Hence, they are full of the most valuable materials for the enlightenment of the working class. The practical measures proposed in them — such as the

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abolition of the distinction between town and country, of the family, of the carrying on of industries for the account of private individuals, and of the wage system, the proclamation of social harmony, the conversion of the function of the state into a more superintendence of production — all these proposals point solely to the disappearance of class antagonisms which were, at that time, only just cropping up, and which, in these publications, are recognized in their earliest indistinct and

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undefined forms only. These proposals, therefore, are of a purely utopian character. The significance of critical-utopian socialism and communism bears an inverse relation to historical development. In proportion as the modern class struggle develops and takes definite shape, this fantastic standing apart from the contest, these fantastic attacks on it, lose all practical value and all theoretical justifications. Therefore, although the originators of these systems were, in many respects,

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revolutionary, their disciples have, in every case, formed mere reactionary sects. They hold fast by the original views of their masters, in opposition to the progressive historical development of the proletariat. They, therefore, endeavour, and that consistently, to deaden the class struggle and to reconcile the class antagonisms. They still dream of experimental realization of their social utopias, of founding isolated phalansteres, of establishing "Home Colonies", or setting up a "Little

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Icaria"(4) — pocket editions of the New Jerusalem — and to realise all these castles in the air, they are compelled to appeal to the feelings and purses of the bourgeois. By degrees, they sink into the category of the reactionary conservative socialists depicted above, differing from these only by more systematic pedantry, and by their fanatical and superstitious belief in the miraculous effects of their social science. They, therefore, violently oppose all political action on the part of

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the working class; such action, according to them, can only result from blind unbelief in the new gospel. The Owenites in England, and the Fourierists in France, respectively, oppose the Chartists and the Réformistes.

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Position of the Communists in Relation to the Various Existing Opposition Parties Section II has made clear the relations of the Communists to the existing working-class parties, such as the Chartists in England and the Agrarian Reformers in America. The Communists fight for the attainment of the immediate aims, for the enforcement of the momentary interests of the working class; but in the movement of the present, they also represent and take care of the future of that movement. In France,

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the Communists ally with the Social Democrats(1) against the conservative and radical bourgeoisie, reserving, however, the right to take up a critical position in regard to phases and illusions traditionally handed down from the great Revolution. In Switzerland, they support the Radicals, without losing sight of the fact that this party consists of antagonistic elements, partly of Democratic Socialists, in the French sense, partly of radical bourgeois. In Poland, they support the party

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that insists on an agrarian revolution as the prime condition for national emancipation, that party which fomented the insurrection of Krakow in 1846. In Germany, they fight with the bourgeoisie whenever it acts in a revolutionary way, against the absolute monarchy, the feudal squirearchy, and the petty-bourgeoisie. But they never cease, for a single instant, to instill into the working class the clearest possible recognition of the hostile antagonism between bourgeoisie and proletariat,

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in order that the German workers may straightway use, as so many weapons against the bourgeoisie, the social and political conditions that the bourgeoisie must necessarily introduce along with its supremacy, and in order that, after the fall of the reactionary classes in Germany, the fight against the bourgeoisie itself may immediately begin. The Communists turn their attention chiefly to Germany, because that country is on the eve of a bourgeois revolution that is bound to be carried out

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under more advanced conditions of European civilization and with a much more developed proletariat than that of England was in the seventeenth, and France in the eighteenth century, and because the bourgeois revolution in Germany will be but the prelude to an immediately following proletarian revolution. In short, the Communists everywhere support every revolutionary movement against the existing social and political order of things. In all these movements, they bring to the front, as the

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leading question in each, the property question, no matter what its degree of development at the time. Finally, they labor everywhere for the union and agreement of the democratic parties of all countries. The Communists disdain to conceal their views and aims. They openly declare that their ends can be attained only by the forcible overthrow of all existing social conditions. Let the ruling classes tremble at a communist revolution. The proletarians have nothing to lose but their chains.

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They have a world to win.

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I had a dream, which was not all a dream. The bright sun was extinguish'd, and the stars Did wander darkling in the eternal space, Rayless, and pathless, and the icy earth Swung blind and blackening in the moonless air; Morn came and went—and came, and brought no day, And men forgot their passions in the dread Of this their desolation; and all hearts Were chill'd into a selfish prayer for light: And they did live by watchfires—and the thrones, The palaces of crowned kings—the huts, The

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habitations of all things which dwell, Were burnt for beacons; cities were consum'd, And men were gather'd round their blazing homes To look once more into each other's face; Happy were those who dwelt within the eye Of the volcanos, and their mountain-torch: A fearful hope was all the world contain'd; Forests were set on fire—but hour by hour They fell and faded—and the crackling trunks Extinguish'd with a crash—and all was black. The brows of men by the despairing light Wore an unearthly

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aspect, as by fits The flashes fell upon them; some lay down And hid their eyes and wept; and some did rest Their chins upon their clenched hands, and smil'd; And others hurried to and fro, and fed Their funeral piles with fuel, and look'd up With mad disquietude on the dull sky, The pall of a past world; and then again With curses cast them down upon the dust, And gnash'd their teeth and howl'd: the wild birds shriek'd And, terrified, did flutter on the ground, And flap their useless wings;

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the wildest brutes Came tame and tremulous; and vipers crawl'd And twin'd themselves among the multitude, Hissing, but stingless—they were slain for food. And War, which for a moment was no more, Did glut himself again: a meal was bought With blood, and each sate sullenly apart Gorging himself in gloom: no love was left; All earth was but one thought—and that was death Immediate and inglorious; and the pang Of famine fed upon all entrails—men Died, and their bones were tombless as their flesh;

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The meagre by the meagre were devour'd, Even dogs assail'd their masters, all save one, And he was faithful to a corse, and kept The birds and beasts and famish'd men at bay, Till hunger clung them, or the dropping dead Lur'd their lank jaws; himself sought out no food, But with a piteous and perpetual moan, And a quick desolate cry, licking the hand Which answer'd not with a caress—he died. The crowd was famish'd by degrees; but two Of an enormous city did survive, And they were enemies: they

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met beside The dying embers of an altar-place Where had been heap'd a mass of holy things For an unholy usage; they rak'd up, And shivering scrap'd with their cold skeleton hands The feeble ashes, and their feeble breath Blew for a little life, and made a flame Which was a mockery; then they lifted up Their eyes as it grew lighter, and beheld Each other's aspects—saw, and shriek'd, and died— Even of their mutual hideousness they died, Unknowing who he was upon whose brow Famine had written

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Fiend. The world was void, The populous and the powerful was a lump, Seasonless, herbless, treeless, manless, lifeless— A lump of death—a chaos of hard clay. The rivers, lakes and ocean all stood still, And nothing stirr'd within their silent depths; Ships sailorless lay rotting on the sea, And their masts fell down piecemeal: as they dropp'd They slept on the abyss without a surge— The waves were dead; the tides were in their grave, The moon, their mistress, had expir'd before; The winds were

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wither'd in the stagnant air, And the clouds perish'd; Darkness had no need Of aid from them—She was the Universe.

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Russia accused of cyber-attacks on chemical weapons body and Porton Down / Four GRU officers expelled from Netherlands after alleged attacks on OPCW, Porton Down and UK Foreign Office Dutch military intelligence disrupted a Russian cyber-attack on the Organisation for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons, the Dutch defence minister has said. Related: UK won't be 'backward leaning' in https://www.theguardian.com/world/2018/oct/04/netherlands-halted-russian-cyber-attack-on-chemical-weapons-body

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Jeremy Hunt’s Soviet Union comparison was 'insulting', says EU leader Donald Tusk - Politics live / Rolling coverage of the day’s political developments as they happen 2.22pm BST Tom Watson, Labour’s deputy leader, has written to the foreign secretary Jeremy Hunt this lunchtime in the aftermath of the GRU hacking allegations asking him about possible Russian interference in https://www.theguardian.com/politics/blog/live/2018/oct/04/no-deal-brexit-could-cause-a-recession-says-rbs-boss-politics-l

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Brett Kavanaugh: US senators begin reading FBI report on sexual misconduct claims / White House says it is ‘fully confident’ in Donald Trump’s nominee for the supreme court, as Senators begin reviewing report in a secure roomA limited FBI investigation into allegations of sexual misconduct against Brett Kavanaugh, Donald Trump’s supreme court nominee, has been received by the US Senate and https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2018/oct/04/brett-kavanaugh-us-senators-to-begin-reading-fbi-report

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Indonesia tsunami: crisis worsens as aid struggles to reach island / More than 1,400 are dead and tens of thousands of people homeless on Sulawesi, but aid shipments are being held up The humanitarian crisis in Sulawesi has continued to worsen as organisations struggle to bring the millions of dollars in international aid that has been pledged to the island devastated by last week’s https://www.theguardian.com/world/2018/oct/04/indonesia-tsunami-crisis-worsens-as-aid-struggles-to-reach-island

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China planted chips in Apple and Amazon servers, report claims / Both firms deny report they found chips giving backdoor access to computers and dataA Chinese military unit has been inserting tiny microchips into computer servers used by companies including Apple and Amazon that give China unprecedented backdoor access to computers and data, according to a new Bloomberg report.The tiny https://www.theguardian.com/technology/2018/oct/04/china-planted-chips-on-apple-and-amazon-servers-report-clai

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MI5 sought immunity for agents' criminal acts, tribunal told / MI5 allegedly gave agents and informants freedom to commit murder, torture and sexual assaultsMI5 agents have been granted legal immunity to participate in murder, torture, sexual assaults and other criminality, a tribunal has heard.The secret policy may, for decades, have enabled the security service to conceal illegal activity, https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2018/oct/04/mi5-sought-immunity-for-agents-criminal-acts-tribunal-to

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Two men arrested in India over alleged rape on shore of Ganges / Footage shared on social media allegedly shows woman being attacked as she bathed in riverTwo men have been arrested in the Indian state of Bihar for allegedly raping a woman who was bathing in the Ganges, in a case that has provoked widespread disgust in a country used to appalling incidents of sexual violence.Police said the suspects took turns https://www.theguardian.com/world/2018/oct/04/men-arrested-india-ganges-gang-rape-vid

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Unilad: Facebook viral publisher to go into administration / Hundreds of jobs at risk with parent company owing £6m and administration loomingUnilad, one of the biggest publishers on Facebook, is expected to go into administration, putting hundreds of jobs at risk and casting doubt on whether outlets that rely on the social media platform for distribution can become sustainable businesses.The website’s https://www.theguardian.com/media/2018/oct/04/unilad-administration-facebook-viral-publishing

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Osaka drops San Francisco as sister city over 'comfort women' statue / Mayor of Japanese city says memorial for women used as sex slaves in Japan is not historically accurateThe city of Osaka has ended its 60-year \""sister city” relationship with San Francisco to protest against the presence in the US city of a statue symbolising Japan’s wartime use of sex slaves.Osaka’s mayor, Hirofumi https://www.theguardian.com/world/2018/oct/04/osaka-drops-san-francisco-as-sister-city-over-comfort-women-stat

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Danske Bank faces US investigation into money laundering / Denmark’s largest bank cooperating with Department of Justice over Estonian branch Danske Bank faces a criminal investigation by US authorities over a €200bn (£177bn) money-laundering scandal involving its Estonian branch.Denmark’s largest bank said on Thursday that it had \""received requests for information from the US Department of https://www.theguardian.com/world/2018/oct/04/danske-bank-faces-us-investigation-into-money-laundering

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Font of all knowledge? Researchers develop typeface they say can boost memory / Researchers say font, which slants to the left and has gaps in each letter, can aid recall• Click here to read this article in Sans ForgeticaAustralian researchers say they have developed a new tool that could help students cramming for exams – a font that helps the reader remember https://www.theguardian.com/artanddesign/2018/oct/04/font-of-all-knowledge-researchers-develop-typeface-they-say-can-boost-memory

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'This is part of the plan': new train blurs line between China and Hong Kong / The $11bn high-speed Vibrant Express connects Hong Kong with mainland China in 20 minutes for the first time – and the city’s residents are nervousInside the newly built West Kowloon terminus, it’s hard to know where Hong Kong stops and China begins.A restaurant on one floor is technically on Hong Kong soil. https://www.theguardian.com/cities/2018/oct/04/high-speed-train-brings-chinese-border-into-heart-of-hong-kong

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As Bangkok sinks, could this anti-flood park be the answer? / Vast underground reservoirs beneath the city’s Centenary Park can store 1m gallons of waterBangkok is sinking – fast. As urban development continues unabated, this city of more than 10 million people is getting lower by 2cm a year, according to Greenpeace estimates. Meanwhile, the surface of the Gulf of Thailand is rising by 4mm a https://www.theguardian.com/cities/2018/oct/03/as-bangkok-sinks-could-this-anti-flood-park-be-the-answer

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'Don't touch my Vespa!' Why Genoa is threatening to ban its icon of cool / Nothing symbolises Italian urban chic quite like the Vespa. But in the city that gave birth to them, the diehards suddenly have a fight on their handsCorrado Nicora is talking about the flyest Vespa in Genoa: his own. For his 50th birthday, the secretary of Vespa Club Genoa decided that a new scooter was just https://www.theguardian.com/world/2018/oct/03/dont-touch-my-vespa-why-genoa-is-threatening-to-ban-its-icon-of-coo

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'There’s no other option’: the radical plan to move Mexico's government / A project to decongest Mexico City by moving government agencies to smaller cities has provoked mixed reactions – not least from workers facing relocationJacinta Morales came to Mexico City more than 20 years ago, following promises of education and employment, like millions of others. After getting a degree, she https://www.theguardian.com/cities/2018/oct/02/theres-no-other-option-the-radical-plan-to-move-mexicos-governm

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Dutch foil Russian cyber attack on chemical weapons watchdog / Four alleged agents arrested and expelled in April for spying on OPCW https://www.ft.com/content/b87834d2-c7c0-11e8-ba8f-ee390057b8c9

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Midterms: ‘Trump effect’ weighs on America’s boom / Business in Minnesota is thriving but Republicans fear their president is a polarising influence in the state as poll nears https://www.ft.com/content/3e2e5e40-c626-11e8-82bf-ab93d0a9b321

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Sovereign bond sell-off spreads worldwide / Rising optimism over US economy triggers sales in Treasuries and Bunds https://www.ft.com/content/a9f000a6-c79e-11e8-ba8f-ee390057b8c9

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Ireland backs May’s plan for all-UK customs union / Support from Dublin lifts hopes of breakthrough in Brexit talks https://www.ft.com/content/a4770b92-c721-11e8-ba8f-ee390057b8c9

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Danske discloses criminal probe by US prosecutors / Bank is co-operating with justice department inquiry into €200bn money laundering scandal https://www.ft.com/content/b09a1882-c7a4-11e8-ba8f-ee390057b8c9

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Nomura looks to Paris as post-Brexit EU lending hub / Japanese bank joins global peers in moving some business to French capital https://www.ft.com/content/842ae31e-c6c6-11e8-ba8f-ee390057b8c9

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GE’s $23bn writedown is a case of goodwill gone bad / Company raised eyebrows by taking big accounting charge over its $10bn Alstom deal https://www.ft.com/content/9beb58f4-c756-11e8-ba8f-ee390057b8c9

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Finance, the media and a breakdown of trust / John Authers on his ringside seat to some of the biggest financial stories of our time https://www.ft.com/content/b739c370-c698-11e8-ba8f-ee390057b8c9

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Republican women see Kavanaugh as one of their own / Furore over Trump’s court nominee cuts both ways in key New Jersey congressional race https://www.ft.com/content/8ffc66b8-c720-11e8-ba8f-ee390057b8c9

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Italy’s defiance over deficit alarms business backers / League’s core northern supporters wanted reassurance over budget and lower taxes https://www.ft.com/content/dbee1c44-c6fb-11e8-ba8f-ee390057b8c9

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Guy Hands taps red-hot fundraising market with new fund / Private equity veteran seeks new vehicle to pursue deals https://www.ft.com/content/5875b4b4-c7b2-11e8-ba8f-ee390057b8c9

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Wife of former Malaysian PM charged with money laundering / Rosmah Mansor pleads not guilty as crackdown escalates over missing 1MDB funds https://www.ft.com/content/1b4912ee-c775-11e8-ba8f-ee390057b8c9

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Toyota and SoftBank team up for self-driving car services / Japan’s biggest automaker moves to build deeper links with tech groups https://www.ft.com/content/8c94ab24-c77b-11e8-ba8f-ee390057b8c9

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Meet Morgan Stanley's chief cartoonist / Andrew Sheets' cartoons form a vivid, illustrated history of finance and markets since the mid-noughties. https://www.ft.com/content/4ad8f2c2-178a-3c34-8733-80d1e7bbd87b

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Barnes & Noble reveals fresh takeover interest / Founder and chairman Leonard Riggio leads parties eyeing purchase of bookstore chain https://www.ft.com/content/cb27be40-c74d-11e8-ba8f-ee390057b8c9

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A Tsunami Didn’t Destroy These 1,747 Homes. It Was the Ground Itself, Flowing / In one part of Palu, Indonesia, hundreds of buildings flowed sideways before being buried. Only now has heavy equipment been brought in to the search for the missing. https://www.nytimes.com/2018/10/03/world/asia/indonesia-earthquake-tsunami-liquefaction.html?partner=rss&emc=rss

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For Canada and U.S., ‘That Relationship Is Gone’ After Bitter Nafta Talks / The negotiations over the trade deal shocked Canadians, who now feel that the close relationship with their biggest trading partner is destroyed. https://www.nytimes.com/2018/10/03/world/canada/trudeau-trump-nafta.html?partner=rss&emc=rss

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Six Malaysian Firefighters Drown While Searching for Boy in Pond / Heavy rain drove strong currents through an old mining site, leading to one of the worst disasters ever for the country’s rescue services. https://www.nytimes.com/2018/10/04/world/asia/malaysian-firefighters-drown.html?partner=rss&emc=rss

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Taiwan Dispatch: In Italy, ‘Al Dente’ Is Prized. In Taiwan, It’s All About Food That’s ‘Q.’ / In Taiwan, \""Q” texture refers to cuisine that is \""springy, soft, elastic,” usually found in foods with some kind of starch like noodles or tapioca pearls. https://www.nytimes.com/2018/10/04/world/asia/taiwan-food-q-texture.html?partner=rss&emc=rss

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Melania Trump, in Africa (and Far From Washington), Seems at Ease / With an ocean between her and the turmoil of the White House, the first lady showed a side of herself the public rarely sees: the happy one. https://www.nytimes.com/2018/10/03/world/africa/melania-trump-africa.html?partner=rss&emc=rss

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Fujimori Is Ordered Back to Prison in Peru, Angering Supporters / Alberto Fujimori, who had been sentenced to 25 years for human rights abuses, was pardoned last year in a political deal that set off an outcry. https://www.nytimes.com/2018/10/03/world/peru-alberto-fujimori.html?partner=rss&emc=rss

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Armed Robber Recaptured 3 Months After Helicopter Jailbreak / Rédoine Faïd, who pulled off an audacious escape from a French prison in July, was recaptured by the police north of Paris. https://www.nytimes.com/2018/10/03/world/europe/france-prison-escape-captured.html?partner=rss&emc=rss

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A Dancing Theresa May Calls for Unity Over Brexit / At her party conference, Mrs. May relived earlier public relations failures and won over her audience. But the big fight over Brexit is looming. https://www.nytimes.com/2018/10/03/world/europe/uk-theresa-may-speech.html?partner=rss&emc=rss

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Stranded for Months at Malaysia Airport, a Syrian Refugee Is Arrested / Since March, Hassan al-Kontar has been camped out in the terminal at Kuala Lumpur International Airport in Malaysia. https://www.nytimes.com/2018/10/03/world/asia/syria-refugee-malaysia-airport.html?partner=rss&emc=rss

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CEFC Official Talked Arms Deals and Evading Iran Sanctions, U.S. Says / The head of the Chinese company’s nonprofit arm discussed using its connections to help sell weapons to Chad, Qatar and Libya, according to prosecutors. https://www.nytimes.com/2018/10/04/business/cefc-china-weapons-iran.html?partner=rss&emc=rss

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Geoff Emerick, 72, Dies; Recorded the Beatles in Their Prime / A Grammy Award-winning engineer, he played a key role in the making of \""Revolver,” \""Sgt. Pepper’s Lonely Hearts Club Band” and other important albums. https://www.nytimes.com/2018/10/03/obituaries/geoff-emerick-72-dies-recorded-the-beatles-in-their-prime.html?partner=rss&emc=rss

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Trump Taxes, Kavanaugh, Melania Trump: Your Wednesday Evening Briefing / Here’s what you need to know at the end of the day. https://www.nytimes.com/2018/10/03/briefing/trump-taxes-kavanaugh-melania-trump.html?partner=rss&emc=rss

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Vatican, Shadowed by Crisis, Tries to Bring Young People Back Into Fold / In a first, a three-week Synod of Bishops will include young Catholics, But critics wonder if Pope Francis is ready to confront abuse more forcefully. https://www.nytimes.com/2018/10/03/world/europe/vatican-youth-synod.html?partner=rss&emc=rss

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‘Incredible Experience’: Melania Trump Tours Slave Fort in Ghana / In her first solo international trip as first lady, Melania Trump visited Ghana’s Cape Coast Castle, a stone fort that served as a hub of the trans-Atlantic slave trade. Ms. Trump also toured a hospital in Accra. https://www.nytimes.com/video/world/africa/100000006140198/melania-trump-africa-ghana-slave-visit.html?partner=rss&emc=rss

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The New New World: Private Businesses Built Modern China. Now the Government Is Pushing Back. / Taxes are rising. Regulation is tightening. State-run firms are ascendant. That could spell problems for a country where economic growth is slowing. https://www.nytimes.com/2018/10/03/business/china-economy-private-enterprise.html?partner=rss&emc=rss

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Pence to Step Up U.S. Criticism of Beijing / Vice President Mike Pence will deliver a stinging rebuke to China in a speech scheduled for Thursday in which he will take aim at what he says are Beijing’s attempts to influence U.S. elections and global politics. https://www.wsj.com/articles/pence-to-step-up-u-s-criticism-of-beijing-1538618754?mod=fox_australian

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May Beats Back Her Critics Over Brexit / British Prime Minister Theresa May rejected criticisms of her Brexit plan from rebels within her Conservative Party, seeking to strengthen her hand at home as she tries to break a deadlock in talks with the European Union. https://www.wsj.com/articles/theresa-may-beats-back-her-critics-over-brexit-1538571927?mod=fox_australian

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Trade Pact Shows Limits of 'America First' / To free traders, the new Nafta is tough to swallow. But the verdict is different when judged by a different standard—how the world’s trading system survived the most protectionist U.S. administration in memory. https://www.wsj.com/articles/new-nafta-shows-limits-of-america-first-1538568001?mod=fox_australian

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The $500 Million Central Bank Heist---and How It Was Foiled / Officials in Angola have charged four men in connection with an alleged plot to siphon off a big chunk of its central-bank reserves. It would have been one of the biggest ever thefts of its kind. https://www.wsj.com/articles/the-500-million-central-bank-heistand-how-it-was-foiled-1538578897?mod=fox_australian

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Russia Missile Deal Puts India in U.S. Sanctions Crosshairs / India’s planned purchase of Russia’s S-400 air-defense missile systems is forcing Washington to choose between competing priorities: Sanctioning New Delhi and keep intact the administration’s campaign against Moscow, or grant the country a waiver to avoid antagonizing a key security partner. https://www.wsj.com/articles/russia-missile-deal-puts-india-in-u-s-sanctions-crosshairs-1538586974?mod=fox_australian

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Survivors of Indonesian Quake and Tsunami Hunt for Staples / Aid workers are struggling to deliver enough food, water and fuel to keep thousands of Indonesian earthquake survivors alive on Sulawesi island, five days after the quake and a tsunami combined to carve a swath of death and destruction. https://www.wsj.com/articles/survivors-of-indonesian-quake-and-tsunami-scrounge-for-staples-1538577322?mod=fox_australian

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Italy Sets Lower Budget-Deficit Targets / Italy’s government set its budget deficit targets for 2020 and 2021 at lower levels than previously envisaged, after initial government plans had unnerved financial markets and European authorities. https://www.wsj.com/articles/italy-sets-lower-budget-deficit-targets-1538591035?mod=fox_australian

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Nobel Chemistry Prize Goes to Three Evolutionary Scientists / A trans-Atlantic trio of evolutionary scientists shared the Nobel Prize in Chemistry for applying the principles of evolution to chemical engineering, work that has led to cleaner fuels and new drugs to treat autoimmune diseases and some cancers. https://www.wsj.com/articles/nobel-prize-in-chemistry-awarded-to-trio-of-evolutionary-scientists-1538560314?mod=fox_australian

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Missing Saudi Journalist Puts Kingdom on Collision Course With Turkey / Turkey and Saudi Arabia sparred over the disappearance of a prominent Saudi journalist in Istanbul in a case that risks souring relations between the two regional powers. https://www.wsj.com/articles/missing-saudi-journalist-puts-kingdom-on-collision-course-with-turkey-1538586856?mod=fox_australian

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In Brazil, Big Plans and No Money / Days before Sunday’s presidential election in Brazil, candidates are promising to crack down on violence and shore up crumbling infrastructure. But no leading candidate mentions Brazil’s biggest problem: There is no money for any of that. https://www.wsj.com/articles/in-brazil-big-plans-and-no-money-1538559000?mod=fox_australian

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Iraq's New Leader Faces Obstacles to Change / A compromise between rival factions allowed the formation of an Iraqi government after months of deadlock, but the country’s new premier may have little room to address the deepening political and economic turmoil. https://www.wsj.com/articles/iraqs-new-leader-faces-obstacles-to-change-1538597768?mod=fox_australian

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U.S. terminates 1955 treaty with Iran, calling it an ‘absolute absurdity’ / The impetus for tearing up the treaty was a decision in the International Court of Justice, which ordered the Trump administration to lift some sanctions on Iran. https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/national-security/us-terminates-1955-treaty-with-iran-calling-it-an-absolute-absurdity/2018/10/03/839b39a6-3bcf-42b1-a2d5-04bfe1c5f660_story.html

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Russia’s low-cost influence strategy finds success in Serbia / With cast-off fighter jets, media conspiracies and a biker gang, the Kremlin has built a methodical but low-cost influence campaign that is reaping rocketing returns in the pivotal Balkan nation that has https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/europe/russias-low-cost-influence-strategy-finds-success-in-serbia--with-the-help-of-fighter-jets-media-conspiracies-and-a-biker-gang/2018/10/03/49dbf48e-8f47-11e8-ae59-01880eac5f1d_story.html

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‘I’m still in pain’: Days after Indonesia’s double disaster, needs remain acute / Indonesia’s president visited the disaster-hit Sulawesi and found tens of thousands of people displaced and resentment growing. https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/asia_pacific/death-toll-hits-1400-in-indonesia-earthquake-and-tsunami/2018/10/03/b77ad520-c69a-11e8-9c0f-2ffaf6d422aa_story.html

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U.S. indicts Russian spies in hacking campaign linked to Olympics doping scandal / The Justice Dept. announcement was part of a coordinated effort by Western governments to expose and punish Russia’s malign activities. https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/europe/britain-directly-blames-russian-military-intelligence-for-broad-range-of-cyberattacks/2018/10/04/13a3a1f8-c7b6-11e8-9158-09630a6d8725_story.html

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Pop star politician Bobi Wine is not being unfairly targeted by government, Uganda leader says / The Ugandan prime minister said the government is not "malicious" enough to trump up charges against the controversial lawmaker. https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/worldviews/pop-star-politician-bobi-wine-is-not-being-unfairly-targeted-by-government-uganda-leader-says/2018/10/04/de46603a-9d63-4f1a-bcac-c9b1ae3df558_story.html

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Hamas leader gave rare interview to Israeli newspaper. Then said he was duped / \""The idea of the Hamas leader appearing on the front page of Israel’s main daily newspaper is something positive for Hamas and we all know it," said freelance journalist Francesca Borri. https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/hamas-leader-gave-rare-interview-to-israeli-newspaper-then-said-he-was-duped/2018/10/04/c7ea1b2b-a4e1-419f-836c-ce13915f40c9_story.html

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Trump’s growing diplomatic isolation on Iran / As the international community blasts Trump's Iran policies, Tehran is relishing the chance to call the United States the real rogue regime. https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/worldviews/trumps-growing-diplomatic-isolation-on-iran/2018/10/04/f609641a-7a10-4771-890f-3ec1a375722f_story.html

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Fan Bingbing, China’s biggest celebrity, fined $130 million for tax, pay irregularities / The massive penalty comes as China’s government under Xi Jinping reins in the Chinese entertainment industry’s finances — and values. https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/fan-bingbing-chinas-biggest-celebrity-is-hit-with-130-million-fine/2018/10/03/2ff6bed6-c76a-11e8-9158-09630a6d8725_story.html

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Pop star politician Bobi Wine is not being unfairly targeted by government, Uganda leader says / The Ugandan prime minister said the government is not "malicious" enough to trump up charges against the controversial lawmaker. https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/worldviews/pop-star-politician-bobi-wine-is-not-being-unfairly-targeted-by-government-uganda-leader-says/2018/10/04/de46603a-9d63-4f1a-bcac-c9b1ae3df558_story.html

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Trump’s growing diplomatic isolation on Iran / As the international community blasts Trump's Iran policies, Tehran is relishing the chance to call the United States the real rogue regime. https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/worldviews/trumps-growing-diplomatic-isolation-on-iran/2018/10/04/f609641a-7a10-4771-890f-3ec1a375722f_story.html

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Interview with Serbian President Aleksandar Vucic / As part of a series aimed at understanding Russia’s global influence, The Washington Post examined Russia’s low-cost, high-reward strategy in Serbia -- a pivotal Balkan nation that has declared a desi... https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/worldviews/interview-with-serbian-president-aleksandar-vucic/2018/10/03/a20b432e-05d5-45cf-8049-ceb9fcd28b9f_story.html

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Nepal is fighting violence against women by banning porn / Activists say that’s a distraction from the bigger issue: male police officers who conspire to protect the attacker, not the victim. https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/worldviews/nepal-is-fighting-violence-against-women-by-banning-porn/2018/10/03/4e39ede9-f17a-4887-a5f6-4d0281073a8b_story.html

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Judge blocks US from ending protections for some immigrants / Case is the latest to cite the president’s own comments to rule against his immigration policies. https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/national-security/judge-blocks-trump-from-ending-temporary-protected-status-protections/2018/10/03/aad65742-c77e-11e8-b1ed-1d2d65b86d0c_story.html

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Mystery over missing writer deepens as Saudi Arabia and Turkey disagree over his status / The Saudi government called reports it had detained journalist Jamal Khashoggi \""false.” https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/mystery-over-missing-writer-deepens-as-saudi-arabia-and-turkey-disagree-over-his-status-/2018/10/03/5fab3a74-c70d-11e8-9c0f-2ffaf6d422aa_story.html

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Experts say USMCA frees Canadian data — but with unknown risks / The trade deal outlaws the restriction of ‘cross-border transfer of information.’ https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/the_americas/experts-say-usmca-frees-canadian-data--but-with-unknown-risks/2018/10/03/3bdb05be-c651-11e8-9c0f-2ffaf6d422aa_story.html

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---

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Measuring Discourse Bias Using Text Network Analysis

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In this article I propose a method and a tool to measure the level of bias in discourse based on text network analysis. The measure is based on the structure of text and uses both quantitive and qualitative parameters of a text graph to identify how strongly biased it is. Therefore, it can be used by humans as well as be implemented into various APIs and AI to perform automatic bias analysis.

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Bias: the Good and the Bad

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Bias is commonly understood as inclination or prejudice towards a certain point of view. A discourse or text that has a bias may have a certain agenda or promote a certain ideology.

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In the age of "fake news", the rise of extreme ideologies and various misinformation techniques it is important to be able to identify the level of bias in discourse: be it social network posts, newspaper articles or political speeches.

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Bias is not necessarily a bad thing. Sometimes it can make an intention stronger, push an agenda forward, make a point, persuade, dissuade and transform. Bias is an agent of change, however, when there is too much of it, bias can also be destructive. When we measure bias we measure how ideologically charged a text is, how much it wants to put forward a certain point of view. In some contexts like fiction or highly charged political speeches, a high level of bias may be beneficial. In some other

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contexts, like news or non-fiction, a high level of bias may be a sign of bad research.

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Currently there are no tools that can measure how biased a text is. Various text mining APIs categorize texts based on its content and sentiment, but there are no instruments that can measure the level of inclination in text towards a certain point of view. The instrument and the method proposed in this article can serve as the first step in this direction. The online tool that I developed for text network analysis - InfraNodus - already can measure the level of bias based on this methodology,

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so you are welcome to try it on your own texts and see how it works. Below I describe the technical details.

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Discourse Structure as a Dynamic Network

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Any discourse can be represented as a network: the words are the nodes and their co-occurrences are the connections between them. The resulting graph traces the pathways of meaning circulation. We can make it more readable by aligning the clusters of nodes that are more densely connected (force-atlas algorithm) into the distinct groups marked with a specific color. We can also make the more influential nodes bigger on the graph (the nodes with the high betweenness centrality). You can read

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more about the technical details in this whitepaper on text network analysis.

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For example, here's a visualization of the TED talk by Julian Treasure called "How to Speak So People Will Want to Listen" made using this method. If you're interested to look at the actual interactive graph, you can open it here.

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From this graph we can clearly see that the main concepts are the notions of

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"people", "time", "world", "listen", "voice" etc.

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These concepts are the junctions for meaning circulation in that particular discourse. They connect the different communities of nodes (designated by distinct colors).

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The algorithm works in a way that emulates human perception (following the landscape reading model, the idea of semantic priming, and also the common sense): if the words are frequently mentioned in the same context, they will form a community on the graph. If they appear in different contexts, they will be pushed away from each other. If the words are frequently used to connect different contexts together, they'll appear bigger on the graph.

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As a result, the structure of the text network graph can tell us a lot about the structure of the discourse.

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For example, if the graph has a pronounced community structure (several different communities of words), the discourse also has several distinct topics, which are expressed in the text. In our example we have at least 4 major topics:

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people - listen - speak (dark green)

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time -talk -register (light green)

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world-sound-powerful (orange)

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amazing-voice (pink)

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If we analyze other texts in the same way, we will see that the resulting graph structures are different. For instance, here's a visualization of the first chapter of Quaran:

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Text network visualization of Quaran made using InfraNodus. The structure of the graph is less diversified and more centralized. There are only a few main concepts, the discourse circulates around them, the rest of the text supports the main concepts.It can be seen that it has a different network structure. It is much more centralized and less diversified. There are a few main concepts:

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"god", "people", "believe", "lord", "give"

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and the whole discourse circulates around these concepts. All the other notions are there to support the main ones.

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We performed a similar analysis with the inauguration speeches of the US presidents from 1969 to 2013 and visualized the way their narrative changed over time:

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Visualization of the US presidents' inauguration speeches made using InfraNodus (TNA) and Gephi (visualization). It can be seen that over time the structure stays more or less the same, however, Obama's speeches seem to have more distinct influential terms, indicating a more diversified discourse.It can be seen that while the structure of the discourse stayed more or less the same over the years, while the emphasized concepts have changed with every address. This may indicate that the

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rhetorical strategy stayed the same, while the content has transformed over the years. Obama's speeches seem to have a higher number of distinct influential nodes, which may indicate a more diversified discourse.

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Bias as a Conduit for Ideology in Networks

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Now that we've shown how discourse can be represented as a network structure, we can discuss the notion of bias in the context of network science.

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A network can be seen as a representation of interactions that happen over time, a diagram of traces left by a dynamic process. If we study the network structure, we can get a lot of insights about the nature of the dynamic processes it represents.

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In the context of social sciences and health care information about network structure can provide valuable insights for epidemiology: how fast a disease (a virus, an opinion or any other (mis)information) may spread, how far it may propagate, what the best immunological strategies may be.

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It has been demonstrated (Abramson & Kuperman 2001; PastorSatorras & Vespignani 2001) that as a network structure becomes more randomized, its epidemiological threshold decreases. Diseases, viruses, misinformation can spread faster and to a higher number of nodes. In other words, as the community structure of a network is less and less pronounced and the number of connections increase, the network propagates information to more nodes and this propagation occurs in highly pronounced oscillations

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(infected / not infected).

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A figure from the study by Abramson & Kuperman (2001) where they have shown the fraction of infected elements (n) in relation to time (t) for networks with a different degree of disorder (p). The higher the degree of disorder, the more elements get infected, the oscillations get more and more intensified,, but also the time-span of the infection is relatively short.At the same time, when the community structure is pronounced while the network is relatively interconnected (small-world network),

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the "pockets" of nodes help maintain epidemic disease for a longer time in the network. In other words, less nodes may become infected, but the infection might stay longer (endemic state).

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Representation of network structures: [a] random, [b] scale-free (better pronounced communities) and, [c] hierarchical (less global connectivity) (from Stocker et al. 2001)In another study performed on various social networks (Stocker, Cornforth & Bossomaier 2002) it has been shown that hierarchically flat networks (i.e. disordered) networks are not as stable as the scale-free ones (i.e. the ones that have a more pronounced community structure). In other words, hierarchies may be good for

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passing down the orders, but scale-free structures are better for maintaining the worldview.

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As we can see there is not one network structure that may be considered to be preferential. In fact it depends on the intention, the context, the situation. In some cases it can be good if a network can propagate information easily to all of its elements relatively fast. In some other cases stability can be more preferential.

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Overall, the structure of a network reflects how well it can propagate information, how susceptible it is to the new ideas, whether the ideas will take over the whole network for only a short time or stay for a longer period.

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---

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The same approach can be applied when we study bias. The assumption here is that a discourse network is a structure that propagates ideas.

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If the discourse structure is centered around a few influential nodes and there is no pronounced community structure, it means that the discourse is quite homogeneous and the ideas around those nodes will propagate better than the ideas from the periphery. We designate such discourse as biased.

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If, on the other side, a discourse network consists of several distinct communities of words / nodes (scale-free small-world network) it means that there are several distinct topics inside the text and each of them is given equal importance within the discourse. We call such discourse diversified.

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A network community structure can be identified not only qualitatively using a graph visualization but also through the modularity measure (see Blondel et al 2008). The higher the modularity is (usually above 0.4), the more pronounced is the community structure.

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Another important criterium is the distribution of influence (via the most influential words / nodes) in different communities. For a discourse to be diversified the most influential nodes should be distributed between the different communities. We use entropy to measure the dispersal of influence in the graph and take this into account when identifying the level of bias. We also check if the top communities include a disproportionally high number of node, in which case the diversification

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score decreases and the number of components in the graph.

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Therefore, we can identify the three main criteria we can use to identify the level of bias in discourse:

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Community structure: how distinct they are and the % of nodes belonging to the top communities;

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Influence distribution: how the most influential nodes / words are spread among different topics / graph communities;

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Number of graph components: how connected the discourse is;

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Before you discuss the resolution, let me place before you one or two things, I want you to understand two things very clearly and to consider them from the same point of view from which I am placing them before you. I ask you to consider it from my point of view, because if you approve of it, you will be enjoined to carry out all I say. It will be a great responsibility. There are people who ask me whether I am the same man that I was in 1920, or whether there has been any change in me. You are right in asking that question.

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Let me, however, hasten to assure that I am the same Gandhi as I was in 1920. I have not changed in any fundamental respect. I attach the same importance to non-violence that I did then. If at all, my emphasis on it has grown stronger. There is no real contradiction between the present resolution and my previous writings and utterances.

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Occasions like the present do not occur in everybody’s and but rarely in anybody’s life. I want you to know and feel that there is nothing but purest Ahimsa in all that I am saying and doing today. The draft resolution of the Working Committee is based on Ahimsa, the contemplated struggle similarly has its roots in Ahimsa. If, therefore, there is any among you who has lost faith in Ahimsa or is wearied of it, let him not vote for this resolution. Let me explain my position clearly. God has vouchsafed to me a priceless gift in the weapon of Ahimsa. I and my Ahimsa are on our trail today. If in the present crisis, when the earth is being scorched by the flames of Himsa and crying for deliverance, I failed to make use of the God given talent, God will not forgive me and I shall be judged unworthy of the great gift. I must act now. I may not hesitate and merely look on, when Russia and China are threatened.

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Ours is not a drive for power, but purely a non-violent fight for India’s independence. In a violent struggle, a successful general has been often known to effect a military coup and to set up a dictatorship. But under the Congress scheme of things, essentially non-violent as it is, there can be no room for dictatorship. A non-violent soldier of freedom will covet nothing for himself, he fights only for the freedom of his country. The Congress is unconcerned as to who will rule, when freedom is attained. The power, when it comes, will belong to the people of India, and it will be for them to decide to whom it placed in the entrusted. May be that the reins will be placed in the hands of the Parsis, for instance-as I would love to see happen-or they may be handed to some others whose names are not heard in the Congress today.

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It will not be for you then to object saying, "This community is microscopic. That party did not play its due part in the freedom’s struggle; why should it have all the power?” Ever since its inception the Congress has kept itself meticulously free of the communal taint. It has thought always in terms of the whole nation and has acted accordingly. . . I know how imperfect our Ahimsa is and how far away we are still from the ideal, but in Ahimsa there is no final failure or defeat. I have faith, therefore, that if, in spite of our shortcomings, the big thing does happen, it will be because God wanted to help us by crowning with success our silent, unremitting Sadhana for the last twenty-two years.

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I believe that in the history of the world, there has not been a more genuinely democratic struggle for freedom than ours. I read Carlyle’s French Revolution while I was in prison, and Pandit Jawaharlal has told me something about the Russian revolution. But it is my conviction that inasmuch as these struggles were fought with the weapon of violence they failed to realize the democratic ideal. In the democracy which I have envisaged, a democracy established by non-violence, there will be equal freedom for all. Everybody will be his own master. It is to join a struggle for such democracy that I invite you today. Once you realize this you will forget the differences between the Hindus and Muslims, and think of yourselves as Indians only, engaged in the common struggle for independence.

   edit   deselect

 

Then, there is the question of your attitude towards the British. I have noticed that there is hatred towards the British among the people. The people say they are disgusted with their behaviour. The people make no distinction between British imperialism and the British people. To them, the two are one. This hatred would even make them welcome the Japanese. It is most dangerous. It means that they will exchange one slavery for another. We must get rid of this feeling. Our quarrel is not with the British people, we fight their imperialism. The proposal for the withdrawal of British power did not come out of anger. It came to enable India to play its due part at the present critical juncture It is not a happy position for a big country like India to be merely helping with money and material obtained willy-nilly from her while the United Nations are conducting the war. We cannot evoke the true spirit of sacrifice and valour, so long as we are not free.

   edit   deselect

 

I know the British Government will not be able to withhold freedom from us, when we have made enough self-sacrifice. We must, therefore, purge ourselves of hatred. Speaking for myself, I can say that I have never felt any hatred. As a matter of fact, I feel myself to be a greater friend of the British now than ever before. One reason is that they are today in distress. My very friendship, therefore, demands that I should try to save them from their mistakes. As I view the situation, they are on the brink of an abyss. It, therefore, becomes my duty to warn them of their danger even though it may, for the time being, anger them to the point of cutting off the friendly hand that is stretched out to help them. People may laugh, nevertheless that is my claim. At a time when I may have to launch the biggest struggle of my life, I may not harbor hatred against anybody.

   edit   deselect

 

Before you discuss the resolution, let me place before you one or two things, I want you to understand two things very clearly and to consider them from the same point of view from which I am placing them before you. I ask you to consider it from my point of view, because if you approve of it, you will be enjoined to carry out all I say. It will be a great responsibility. There are people who ask me whether I am the same man that I was in 1920, or whether there has been any change in me. You are right in asking that question.

   edit   deselect

 

Let me, however, hasten to assure that I am the same Gandhi as I was in 1920. I have not changed in any fundamental respect. I attach the same importance to non-violence that I did then. If at all, my emphasis on it has grown stronger. There is no real contradiction between the present resolution and my previous writings and utterances.

   edit   deselect

 

Occasions like the present do not occur in everybody’s and but rarely in anybody’s life. I want you to know and feel that there is nothing but purest Ahimsa in all that I am saying and doing today. The draft resolution of the Working Committee is based on Ahimsa, the contemplated struggle similarly has its roots in Ahimsa. If, therefore, there is any among you who has lost faith in Ahimsa or is wearied of it, let him not vote for this resolution.

   edit   deselect

 

Let me explain my position clearly. God has vouchsafed to me a priceless gift in the weapon of Ahimsa. I and my Ahimsa are on our trail today. If in the present crisis, when the earth is being scorched by the flames of Himsa and crying for deliverance, I failed to make use of the God given talent, God will not forgive me and I shall be judged unworthy of the great gift. I must act now. I may not hesitate and merely look on, when Russia and China are threatened.

   edit   deselect

 

Ours is not a drive for power, but purely a non-violent fight for India’s independence. In a violent struggle, a successful general has been often known to effect a military coup and to set up a dictatorship. But under the Congress scheme of things, essentially non-violent as it is, there can be no room for dictatorship. A non-violent soldier of freedom will covet nothing for himself, he fights only for the freedom of his country.

   edit   deselect

 

The Congress is unconcerned as to who will rule, when freedom is attained. The power, when it comes, will belong to the people of India, and it will be for them to decide to whom it placed in the entrusted. May be that the reins will be placed in the hands of the Parsis, for instance-as I would love to see happen-or they may be handed to some others whose names are not heard in the Congress today.

   edit   deselect

 

It will not be for you then to object saying, "This community is microscopic. That party did not play its due part in the freedom’s struggle; why should it have all the power?” Ever since its inception the Congress has kept itself meticulously free of the communal taint. It has thought always in terms of the whole nation and has acted accordingly. . . I know how imperfect our Ahimsa is and how far away we are still from the ideal, but in Ahimsa there is no final failure or defeat. I have faith, therefore, that if, in spite of our shortcomings, the big thing does happen, it will be because God wanted to help us by crowning with success our silent, unremitting Sadhana for the last twenty-two years.

   edit   deselect

 

I believe that in the history of the world, there has not been a more genuinely democratic struggle for freedom than ours. I read Carlyle’s French Revolution while I was in prison, and Pandit Jawaharlal has told me something about the Russian revolution. But it is my conviction that inasmuch as these struggles were fought with the weapon of violence they failed to realize the democratic ideal. In the democracy which I have envisaged, a democracy established by non-violence, there will be equal freedom for all. Everybody will be his own master. It is to join a struggle for such democracy that I invite you today. Once you realize this you will forget the differences between the Hindus and Muslims, and think of yourselves as Indians only, engaged in the common struggle for independence.

   edit   deselect

 

Then, there is the question of your attitude towards the British. I have noticed that there is hatred towards the British among the people. The people say they are disgusted with their behaviour. The people make no distinction between British imperialism and the British people. To them, the two are one. This hatred would even make them welcome the Japanese. It is most dangerous. It means that they will exchange one slavery for another. We must get rid of this feeling.

   edit   deselect

 

Our quarrel is not with the British people, we fight their imperialism. The proposal for the withdrawal of British power did not come out of anger. It came to enable India to play its due part at the present critical juncture It is not a happy position for a big country like India to be merely helping with money and material obtained willy-nilly from her while the United Nations are conducting the war. We cannot evoke the true spirit of sacrifice and valour, so long as we are not free.

   edit   deselect

 

I know the British Government will not be able to withhold freedom from us, when we have made enough self-sacrifice. We must, therefore, purge ourselves of hatred. Speaking for myself, I can say that I have never felt any hatred. As a matter of fact, I feel myself to be a greater friend of the British now than ever before. One reason is that they are today in distress. My very friendship, therefore, demands that I should try to save them from their mistakes. As I view the situation, they are on the brink of an abyss. It, therefore, becomes my duty to warn them of their danger even though it may, for the time being, anger them to the point of cutting off the friendly hand that is stretched out to help them. People may laugh, nevertheless that is my claim. At a time when I may have to launch the biggest struggle of my life, I may not harbor hatred against anybody.

   edit   deselect

 
in graph:
     

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